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MR. MELLEN'S ADDRESS, 



AT NORTH- YARMOUTH, 



JITLY 4, 1825. 



105 



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' DELITJERED BEFORS 

THE CITIZENS OF 
NORTH-YARMOUTH, 

ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE: 

JULY 4, 1825. 



SY ORi:XWZI.LE iaEL]:.B2?. 



Printed by request of the Committee of Arrangemsntf. 



PORTLAND : 

PRINTED BY D. & 8. PAINE, 
1825. 



^)sr^rrjQ(!S4 



Fellow Citizens, 

IT is with feelings of uncommon satisfaction that 
I congratulate you on the arrival of this morning 
of our Independence. At all times and in all places 
the return of this national birth day is to Americans 
a joyful one — but the present occasion brings with it 
a newly added splendour, and associates itself with 
events that will long distinguish it from all preceding 
anniversaries. And as it comes in with an increase 
of interest and joy, let it also come in with an increase 
of gratitude and thanksgiving — let it find us warm 
and glowing with thankfulness as well as patriotism. 
Let it find us lighting up the altar of our hearts in 
praise to God, as well as guarding that which is still 
bright with the flame of Liberty — let it find us Chris- 
tians as well as Patriots, gathering to the festival of 
celebration. 



It is a pleasant as well as a noble duty to commem- 
orate an event like that, to which we have assembled 
to do honour. No nation but our own, since the foun- 
dation of the world, can boast such a jubilee. Time 
furnishes no parallel to it. And we may venture to say 
time never will furnish one. The condition of the 
world is such, that no revolution in favor of Freedom, 
which may hereafter take place, can have the peculiar 
character and virtue of our own. The great princi- 
ples of political and national liberty are now so strong- 
ly marked out and developed to the world, that no 
struggle to introduce or support them will be half so 
wonderful or stupendous, as that upon which we can 
now look back with admiration. America has done 
too much for all the earth, to allow to any part of it, 
in regard to its emancipation, an equal pride, either 
in its achievement or its memory. She has left to 
other empires to do but half what she has done — and 
with a selfishness that may be forgiven, she has re- 
served to herself the reward of her valour and her 
toils, while to all mankind she has given — freely given, 
the benefit of her example. There is much in this to 
be proud of. There is the pride of having practical- 
ly defined the Freedom, for which wc fought because 
we boldly dared to define it — of having fixed that im- 
mutable standard of equal rights, which no chicanery 
of no cabinet of ministers, can for a moment hide from 
the people. It is founded too firmly to be shaken or 
undermined ; and it soars to high, to be lost in the 
mists which vulgar prejudice, or political sophistry 
may attempt to throw around it. 



The history of England and the continental powers 
from the earliest, up to the time of our Independence, 
will present to the most unpractised eye, at a glance, 
an almost unbroken series of conflicts for what was 
denominated Liberty — but which was never under- 
stood. It was rather a series of struggles for a change 
of political situation, than any thing that can be dig- 
nified with the name of Liberty. They were strug- 
gles for temporal change — because under the hopeless 
bondage of aristocracy leagued with monarchy and 
despotism, the people could not deem they should ever 
win the rights of Freemen — the lasting, imperishable 
privileges which a purely representative system will 
confer upon those who live under it. Those struggles 
were but the restlessnesses of despair — ours w^as the 
struggle of principle and reason with violence and a 
short-sighted monarchy. The struggles of the old 
world were tliose, ofttimes, of ambition, cloaked in 
zeal, for popular power, where, after all, the feign- 
ed man of the people became the worst tyrant that 
had oppressed them — the struggle of America was 
that of intelligence and virtue pressed down to the 
dust by arbitrary power — and conducted and support- 
ed by religion, that struggle issued in nothing short of 
a miracle ! There was a peculiar holiness — a principle 
of right, which heaven seems always to have favoured, 
characterizing our revolutionary conflict ; and per- 
haps the interposition of a commending providence 
was never more signal, than when it presented to the 
world the spectacle of an infant country — -without re- 
sources and without hope, marching sternly and fear- 



lessly to the contest with a nation that was born and 
rocked and reared amidst the convulsions of war — and 
yet coming victorious out of it. Perhaps at no time 
since the erection of its government had the country of 
our fathers such reason to boast of intellectual power, 
willing for the service, and within the command of its 
sovereign — never had it greater champions of virtuous 
policy — never could it produce a greater mass of poli- 
tical wisdom than was then concentrated in its capitol, 
and which, if either employed or listened to, we have 
every reason to believe would have led England to an 
honourable, and to her, a successful issue. But her 
councils were distracted — and the wisdom of her great 
men was unheeded — in her singular blindness even a 
Chatham was forgotten, and the very finger of God 
seems to have misdirected and paralyzed the powers 
of the mother country, just at a time when we should 
have despaired to cope with them in their vigour. — 
Such was the punishment of an unhallowed purpose 
— such the event of political obstinacy contending with 
the eternal principle of political justice. 

The celebration of this day with us, has a moral 
greatness about it, which no other country can realize. 
The holidays of other nations are rejoicings for the 
putting on of some crown, or the temporary putting off 
of some chains — the people find a jubilee in an occa- 
sion that serves to make some tyrant conspicuous, 
while they degrade themselves by the celebration of it. 
But with us, there is something widely different : — 
there is, in these things, with us, an attempt to keep 
alive a generous and extended patriotism — that noblest 



of national virtues ; and we celebrate the freedom of 
our land, which consists in the dearest of all freedoms 
the freedom of opinion, joined with a power of exer- 
cising it according to our wishes — and in that spirit 
which refers all our political rights and enjoyments to 
the sovereignty of the people. Ours is certainly a popu- 
lar celebration— not the celebration of an individual's 
power or prerogative, but the celebration, by each 
man, of his own peculiar privileges. This it is, that 
makes it dear to us as a people, and distinguishes it 
from the mechanical, and we may say, the unnatural 
excitements that are awakened by public events, or 
commemorations under other forms of government. 

Thus far is the genius of our liberty, and our annu- 
al recognition of it, distinct and peculiar. Our chief 
aim should be that it never degenerate ; and that how- 
ever the world may be shaken by the heavings and 
strugglings of liberty under the iron hand of oppres- 
sion, we may always remember how we struggled, and 
what we fought for — and never confound the spirit of 
our freedom with that restlessness, which is too often 
but ambition in disguise. 

Next to the recollection of our enfranchisement, 
there is nothing we can pontpnnplatc >Tith higher sat- 
isfaction than the government of our republic. Ours 
may be called emphatically a government of public 
opinion. Reared in the sternness of republican sim- 
plicity, every man has been led to consider himself a 
part of that government — and this abiding recollection 
has begotten an influence over his character and con- 
duct, until, in the mass, it has impressed the whole 



8 

surface of society — and given it a propriety and digni 
ty, that is an honour to us, and a wonder to the world. 
These characteristics appear singularly prominent in 
the exercise of our political privileges and duties ; and 
perhaps there cannot be a more impressive instance 
of the distinctness of opinion, the good sense and the 
decision of this great people, than the issue of the late 
election of Chief Magistrate over our land. The con- 
duct of the whole canvass, though in some sections of 
the country it has been bitter and intemperate, yet, as a 
national proceeding, has been steady and determinate 
in its aim. Tn it, the genius of our institutions comps 
palpably and powerfully to view. We see in it, besides 
the practical operation of our elections, the rational 
and satisfactory, and honourable result of public mind 
when left to itself, and its own free mode of thinking 
and deciding. We believe that result is the same we 
should have beheld, had not a pen been enlisted in the 
cause, or a solitary voice raised in any quarter of the 
empire — such is our belief in the sentiment of fitness 
and propriety, which pervades all ranks of our coun- 
trymen. This is satisfaction in addition to that which 
we derive from the mode of our elections, which have 
all the freedom and value wc could desire, without 
any of the turbulence and danger, as well as political 
and moral evils, which distinguish those of other na- 
tions, that boast of liberty and equality even next to 
our own — and as in a political or moral point of view, 
there never is greater occasion than that which sum- 
mons a great people to the exercise of that power 
which is to elevate an individual to a government of 



9 

intelligence and virtue, so there is never a prouder ob- 
ject of contemplation than that of a mighty people — 
a mass of self-governed mind, bringing to full exhibi- 
tion the independence of its sentiments and the deter- 
mination of carrying them through to the utmost un- 
influenced by prejudice or faction. With us, then, 
each man feels that his right is the first and the best in 
the community — he has no idea of unity in the govern- 
ment, without him — and there is no conviction of which 
you might not sooner rob him, than the proud one, 
that the helm of his country's ship sometimes takes 
direction from his arm, and that he has something 
to do in guiding her either in sunshine or the storm. 
And who would rob him of this honest, this noble 
pride ! — take it from him, and he has little interest in 
looking out for quicksands or destruction. And there 
is a certain beauty in government, when built up, as 
it should be, by the hands of the people. We can 
forgive the republican severity of the architecture, 
when we know there is solidity in the material, and 
strength in the pillars of the temple ; and when we 
look on the rock upon which it is founded, we can en- 
tertain no fears about its durability. Only let us aim 
to keep our constitution unadulterated — let us go on 
to improvement, without subjecting it to experiment 
— we have lessons of experiment in the ages before 
us — the best we can do is to profit by them. 

There is a singular pleasure to Americans in the 
idea that our condition as a country has become a 
sentimtnt — a deep, pervading, and we hope an endur- 
ing sentiment. I apprehend this may be looked for, 
2 



10 

particularly for its origin, in our revolution ; and the 
oppressive measures taken by England to induce us 
to submit to the crown. We contrast our present 
situation, with that to which a heedless and indignant 
policy would have subjected us. We compare what 
England would have made of us, to what we have ef- 
fected for ourselves — we compare the noble example 
of our government, and the unspeakable advantages 
which it offers in its systems of education, with what 
would probably have attended our submission* — ignor- 
ance, with continual fear of insult and molestation — 
bondage without hope — a people without law, and tri- 
bute without even the equivalent of thanks. With the 
fear of such things, who can wonder at a revolution — 
and having rode it out, who can wonder that we cele- 
brate it ! The remembrance of those things, associated 
with the conviction of what we now are, has, I repeat, 
become a sentiment, which I hope and trust will nev- 
er die. Born in that convulsion, it has groAvn to the 
capacity and strength of a giant — and is now, at once 
our safety and our boast ! We have sometimes heard 
from the visionary and fearful, that our country was 
in danger of falling from her high estate, and of con- 
tamination from foreign vice, both social and politi- 
cal ; but we fear little of this ; we have no fear of it ; 
thank God there is no reason to fear it ! Let there 
be a whisper of foreign influence — let there be one 

" Ministers may be said to have declared, as far as a system of policy can do 
it, much tlio 6amc thing concerninf; America that the Emperor Joseph d-d about 
his Flemish subjects in 1789 — that they were to be considered merely as asmirct 
of revenue. At present, we believe our charter of Tt") lias put an end to all fear 
of such declarations concernin<» us by otlier nations. We think it is as eflectual 
as Runncmedc or the Joyous FJntry. 



11 

sickly commendation or preference of the doctrines 
of monarchy or aristocracy, terms which it has been a 
part of our education to despise — let there be a sug- 
gestion even of the possibility, that any political tenets, 
upheld by any man in the nation, may encroach upon 
the old landmark of popular rights which we gave so 
much blood to maintain, and the electric indignation 
will sparkle from one end of the Union to the other — 
telling us, in language that cannot be mistaken, that 
the virtue of their fathers is yet pure in the hearts of 
the children. No ! our country, thank heaven, is not 
the soil upon which the disciples of foreign policy can 
sow with any hope of a harvest. 

To the present condition of this vast empire, it is al- 
most needless to revert, as a knowledge of it is familiar 
to every lover of his native land. And yet there is no 
subject to which we turn with more pride, or dwell 
upon with more satisfaction. The severe republican 
principles which originally constituted, and have in- 
creased, and will perpetuate its glory, we cannot lin- 
ger upon too often or too long. I love those princi- 
ples which bear the stamp of our rights and liberties 
upon the face of them — I love those principles which 
go so far to make us each proud of his country because 
they make each a close participator in its concerns : 
I love those principles which unite us all ; and which, 
though they have sometimes been almost forgotten 
in the defence of opinions, opposed indeed, but profes- 
sing, on both sides, to look to the interests of the land, 
yet now, we trust in God are fast binding us all — all 
in fraternal aifection, to our constitution and country. 



12 

Powerful and ingenious minds, following a train of 
liberal and philosophical reflections upon this nation 
and its institutions, have given us a striking picture 
of their present condition and their future fame. I 
am in no manner disposed to question the truth of 
their pencils, but we shoukl guard against deception 
from the heiglit of their colouring. There is no 
greater hindrance to improvement that a conscious- 
ness of perfection — and we have much reason to be 
wary of too great security either in the high national 
honor to which we have arrived, or in our unprece- 
dented national success. Young as we are, the world 
looks to us as an example. And young as we are, 
no country can aftbrd it with a greater bearing of dig- 
nity, or a greater certainty of respect. The possession 
of such privileges is the best warning, and the best in- 
citement to preserve them with a chastened partiality. 
I have said, that, young as we are, we have been a sin- 
gular example to the world. This country first light- 
ed the beacon of civil and religious liberty, and what 
has been the consequence ? Scarce had the wondering 
nations of the continent ascertained whither that pillar 
of fire was directing us through the night of our strug- 
gle, and seen the high place of Freedom, on which the 
morning was to break upon us, before a spirit was 
awakened, which pointed thitherward, and half Eu- 
rope was roused and in commotion to attain it. Since 
that time, with wavering success, the s})irit of rational 
liberty has been at her work — sometimes almost in 
despair of effecting any movement that would desig- 
nate her presence or her progress — and at others 



13 

alarming kings in their palaces, and summoning to 
the field the whole host of imperial ministers and 
imperial state-papers. Alas for Naples — alas ! for 
Spain ! Ye have at least, in the unfortunate issues 
of your conflicts, been instrumental in developing the 
hideous features of an Alliance, the bare contemplation 
of which strengthens ten fold the ties of freemen, over 
the whole world. We are by no means slow to be- 
lieve that this political resistance of the combination 
is the best fuel to the cause. Liberty thrives by re- 
sistance. She has undertaken a mighty work — and 
she is to be daunted by no difficulties, and overcome 
by no pov^^er under heaven. She will yet break from 
the trammels of the old world, and stand revealed to 
mankind in her naked and awful majesty ! 

It is natural that Americans should advocate the 
cause of Freedom over all the earth. Especially 
would she hail its establishment in those countries 
where the state of knowledge and refinement is such 
as to make it a high and rational blessing. But her 
generous prayers cannot yet be answered. The ele- 
ments of society in such countries, are not yet prepar- 
ed for the great change of Monarchy to a Republican 
Union—they have only a disposition towards sentiments 
of a liberal and popular kind ; and we must at present 
rest satisfied with the belief that they will yet subside 
into effectual and perfect harmony with our own. 

But it is needless to comment upon what has been, 
or what is to be— the present is enough to busy the larg- 
est contemplation, and fascinate the soul of every phi- 
lanthropist. The rising hopes — the untiring energies 



14 

— the astonishing improvements of our own country — 
its continually increasing resources — its generous dis- 
position to improve them, which nothing can divert — 
the amazing expansion ofils population over a surface 
which it almost tires the eye to scan — all these are 
so many distinct subjects for our wondering attention. 
To what a pitch of power must this nation arrive, if 
she preserve her institutions and her virtue uncorrupt- 
ed and unblemished ! to what a depth of misery is she 
destined if she forget the principles which raised her 
up, and neglect the opportunities which " God and 
nature have put into" her " hands." 

In our own time, where has this spirit of Indepen- 
dence, which we have told about, found a field for her 
labours ! Not in Europe, where she is frowned down 
by a newly alarmed tyranny. Hardly alas ! in Greece, 
wiiere her movements are watched with jealousy by 
powers that should blush to lift a finger against her 
cause — but where, we hope in heaven, a people is 
yet to be born, who will have a pride to emulate the 
arts, and security to improve upon the days of their 
fathers. The cause of that country, who ancient fame 
has demanded and received of modern times the finest 
tributes of eloquence and song, has enlisted the 
strongest sympathies of our own. These sympathies 
are an honour to us — and let what will be the issue, 
our active encouragement of their revolution, will long 
remain a monument to the world of the best gratitude 
we could render for our own hard earned liberties ! — 
But if tyranny still conquers in the old world we 
have the satisfaction of seeing the monster all but ex- 



p 



15 

pelled from the ne%\ As though to complete the glo- 
ry of the western continent, this spirit of Freedom has 
again chosen it as the theatre of successful enterprize — 
and we have even reason to hope that as she has again 
unfurled her standard in her favorite hemisphere, we 
shall soon see it floating equally free, equally honour- 
ed, equally triumphant over the soils of both Americas. 
We are glad to see the south breaking away from 
Spanish dominion, because she is obtainirjg a victory 
over one of the oldest monarchies of Europe, but 
which, in its present paralyzed condition, should 
not, for the honour of the world, rule the pettiest 
province for a moment, while it can exercise no power 
over itself. We are glad to see them so far advanced 
in the great cause — and we only wish them now, a 
speedy Fourth of July to celebrate — we wish to see 
them bowing with us at the altar of genuine republi- 
can liberty — taking a warning as well as a lesson from 
our example, and when they form a government found- 
ed on equal rights, and establish it with the knowledge 
and religion of the people, we hope to see them avoid- 
ing every unnecessary political difference, and press- 
ing on to national glory in an undivided, and an 
indivisible phalanx. May they remember that intes- 
tine divisions began the work of desolation with 
every republic that professed to be such, before us, 
and may it be the last thing they shall have cause to 
lament, that they were ever regardless of their privi- 
leges in their devotion to men. They have patriotism 
there — they have valour — they have our good wishes — 
and may the next sound that reaches us from that 



16 

land, be the shout of complete eiijhncipation, echoed 
from all their Andes. 

And there is every reason to believe that thus the 
struggle will terminate. If there be any thing in expe- 
rience, thus it must terminate. The contest of South 
America, is that of a nation like our own, separated 
by a wide ocean from the country that would keep it 
in chains — its revolution is a more natural one, than 
any of the continental ones to which I have adverted. 
The tide of reform which has recently rolled with 
such a threatening of overthrow on the countries of 
Europe, bore on its surface a bark, piloted by Passion 
— manned with spirits of discontent — with a flag a- 
bove them which they called the ensign of Liberty — 
she rode on a sea of blood, w ithout a haven ! — but on 
the waves of the Southern Revolution we behold a ves- 
sel which looks like an ark of refuge, filled with de- 
termined souls who have trusted to the waters, to es- 
cape the certainty of inglorious death, and the mena- 
ces of injustice and oppression — when those waters 
subside she will find an Ararat of Freedom for her 
resting place. 

I have said that this anniversary came in, laden with 
fresh occasion for our thankfulness and joy. You 
all anticipate the event to which I refer. Its glories 
and its festivities will be participated by that great 
man — the last of the heroes who led our armies to the 
battles of our revolution. Yes, fellow-citizens, this 
day, at this moment, in the greatest metropolis of the 
land he bled for and won — is the illustrous Lafayette 
joining the thanksgiving of a free people, round the 



17 

altar of their libftties. At this moment is the man 
who, under God, fought with your fathers for that free- 
dom which has called you and me here this morning, 
in so much gratitude and pride, receiving the thanks 
and tears of the children, on the very soil, which he 
did so much to purchase for them. Never-never did 
the time come like this — never, next to our religion, 
was there subject which it will do us so much honor 
and so much good to remember What was the ap- 
proach of this veteran to our shores ? the resuscita- 
tion of the whole country, with all tli& memories that 
had been subsiding for fifty years. What was his 
welcome ? Tlie rush of ten millions of freemen to- 
wards the waters that bore him, and the concentrated 
thunder of as many voices. What has been his pro- 
gress ? — through a world teeming with gratitude and 
fraught with the incense of pure and delighted hearts. 
We should all rejoice — snould rejoice do I say ! — We 
all do rejoice, that this extraordinary event has taken 
place in our land, as well for its effects among us, as 
for its influence upon the world. This great hero 
and philanthropist comes here, not as a conqueror 
amongst his vassals — not even as a benefactor to his 
children — but as a republican— an unqualified repub- 
lican, to his equals and his friends ; he is not received 
with the solemn dramatic pomp — with the averted 
homage of princes— where the heart conies in for the 
last share of the ceremony — not with l^ended knees 
and trembling lips — save where absolute nature has 
made them such — but with a direct and universal 
3 



18 

burst of lionpst conii^ratulation thf#has runiz; from the 
Atlantic to the Rocky mountains. And where will 
the echo of this welcome die I When will the char- 
acter of our homage be forgotten ! Europe is look- 
ing upon this occasion, and where will she find one 
that will give such a searching lesson to her con- 
science I A vast nation coming to lay its thanks and 
its honour at the feet of an individual without the least 
compromise of dignity or principle or self-respect. A 
vast nation pouring out its heart in tribute to a man, 
not in view -te his descent, or simply of his fame, 
but solely of his virtue and integrity ! These — these 
are sights that must come home to the bosoms of the 
intelligent and generous, wherever they are found ; 
and as an example to the civilized world, we may be 
as proud of having given it, as the lovers of rational 
liberty w ill be, that it was ever given. 

To ourselves, to our country, this visit of the illus- 
trious companion of our Washingtoa, is pregnant, 
I conceive, with interest and importance. It has 
served, in a singular degree, to bring into one point of 
view, the events of those doubtful days which "tried 
men's souls," to beget a spirit of inquiry into the facts 
of our revolutionary history ; to carry back the mind 
to those times when our country was weak and our 
hopes small, so that it may now behold the contrast, 
and be humbled in gratitude before a wonder-work- 
ing Providence. It has served to give fresh circula- 
tion to our patriotism, and to establish a noble rally- 
ing-point for our recollections. It has served to give 



19 

us a practical and ^dignified sentiment of patriot vir- 
tue, of honourable ambition, and noble benevolence ; 
and more than all, it has served to strengthen and 
cement the bonds of this^ mighty Union. This is a 
satisfying and an elevating reflection. Passing from 
one extremity of our vast empire to the other, while 
this veteran hero has drawn all our hearts towards 
him, he has drawn them all nearer to each other. 
From contemplating him who became so active to 
purchase them, we all turn with instinctive interest 
to our common liberties, and who will say that any 
event, which renews and strengthens, and gives new 
value to love of country, is not to be hailed with trans- 
port and remembered with undying aftection ! 

And let it be so remembered. Ye who have seen 
this good and great benefactor of the world, and have 
listened to his sentiments, and have gone up with 
him and the thousands of your countrymen to that 
sacred ground, where the morning of our toils com- 
menced, you have felt enough, to become still more 
thankful to God and more proud of your privileges. 

And as to the sentiment of our Independence, lei 
it be that deep and firm rooted sentiment which 
fears nothing but national unriijhteousness — boasts 
nothing but national respectability, and prays for 
nothing but national principle. Let ours be a moral 
Independence ; a godHke unstooping Independence, 
which knows no honor like a country's dignity, and no 
glory like national virtue and religion : v/hich looks 
to other greatness than that which is defined by con 



20 



quest, and other respect than that which is the hom- 
age o'ffear— which throws forward the gaze of a na- 
tion to an honour higher than that which she may 
have among the empires of the earth, and makes the 
favour of heaven rather than the praise of men. her 
prayer and her pride. 



